
Seeking to remain competitive in the global knowledge economy, deindustrialized cities across America have been embracing technology and innovation as new engines of economic growth. A material manifestation of this strategy is the development of urban innovation districts, which serve as mixed-use hubs intentionally designed to stimulate research, technology commercialization, entrepreneurship, and job creation through public-private partnerships and social networking (Katz and Wagner 2014, 2024). While widely celebrated as catalysts for growth, innovation districts developing in and adjacent to historically marginalized neighborhoods remain undertheorized as material expressions of deeper political, racial, and spatial dynamics that play out through urban redevelopment processes.
This study explores these dynamics by conceptualizing innovation districts as economic engines designed to attract capital investment AND as sites of self-determination for Black communities that offer opportunities to assert agency and shape development in alignment with collective visions of economic empowerment and community well-being. In the process of redevelopment, conflicting values of place--shaped over time by social and economic forces--are mobilized by networked coalitions whose competing visions of the future are negotiated through formal and informal planning processes.
Aiming to understand how urban planning processes may be improved to achieve greater equity, this study asks: How do conflicting conceptualizations of place influence the planning and design of innovation districts within and adjacent to historically marginalized urban neighborhoods?
Above image: Vacant parcel for lease within The Switch district.

Two emerging innovation districts in downtown Birmingham, Alabama serve as a critical case study. The Switch is a former industrial neighborhood centered around the city's historic 14th Street Switchyard and located adjacent to the City's Civil Rights District and historic 4th Ave. Business District. Edgehill at Southtown is located near the University of Alabama at Birmingham on the former site of Southtown Court, a historically segregated low-income neighborhood. Collectively these districts represent the challenges and opportunities embodied in other communities across the U.S. that seek economic growth and social equity through entrepreneurial urbanism.
Above image: The Switch Innovation District Rendering (Source: Willam Blackstock Architects). Below image (left): The Switch (Source: K. Schneider); (right) Aerial rendering of Edgehill (Source: Southside Development Company).
Grounded in theories of relational space (Lefebvre 1974 [1991]; Soja 1996; Murdoch 2006; Mitchell 2008, 2021; Massey 1994, 2005), this study conceptualizes place as socially produced, racialized, multi-scalar, and historically co-constituted through physical, social, and affective dimensions. A collaborative planning (Healey 2006) and relational placemaking framework (Martin 2003, Pierce et al. 2011), operationalized through utilization of Schmid’s (2004) Situation-Structure-Performance implicit equation model, guides this study's epistemological and methodological perspectives. Relying on multiple forms of data, including in-depth semi-structured interviews and focus groups, the study employs a constructivist grounded theory approach (Charmaz 2014) informed by both discourse and spatial analysis to qualitatively analyze how place is conceptualized and articulated by stakeholders, activated and negotiated through formal and informal planning processes, and (re)produced through policy and partnerships.
The Purple Places Project aims to illuminate the magnitude of social equity challenges AND opportunities inherent to entrepreneurial urbanism through representation and analysis of spatial data. A work in progress, this map displays the adjacency of institutional coalitions and emerging innovation districts throughout the U.S. to predominantly BIPOC (Black, Indigenous, and People of Color) and low-income neighborhoods, historically redlined neighborhoods, Justice40 Districts, and neighborhoods that have been subject to past displacement due to urban renewal. Grounded in the Birmingham case study, its purpose is to draw attention to the scale and scope of historic place-based inequities and the ongoing displacement risks faced by existing populations, while also highlighting opportunities for institutions to advance equity objectives by centering relational space in their planning and placemaking processes.
To add additional innovation districts to this atlas or to edit existing information, use the form provided via the link below.

Why purple? The color symbolizes the negotiation of opposing ideologies: neoliberal urbanism, which privileges private property and corporate wealth accumulation, and progressive urbanism, which strives for social justice, spatial equity, and community wealth building. It also represents the place-based reconstruction of resistance identities, which argued by Castells (2004), gain force through communal practices of opposition and collective agency.
Above image: Historic 4th Ave. Business District (Source: K. Schneider).
Advisor: Mallika Bose, PhD. Associate Dean for Research, Creative Activity, and Graduate Studies and Professor of Landscape Architecture, Pennsylvania State University.
Members:
For more information about this study, contact Krista Schneider via email at kls126@psu.edu.
Full dissertation title: Negotiating Innovation Identities through Place, Race, and the Networked Politics of Urban Redevelopment
IRB STUDY00025605: Exempt.
This research is partially funded by a 2025 Penn State University, College of Arts & Architecture Graduate Student Research Support Program Grant.